Friday, 30 August 2013


This post will focus on two emails distributed by the Blacklist Support Group (BSG) in 2010 and 2011.  The BSG is headed up by electricians, Dave Smith, Steve Acheson and Colin Trousdale. The emails are written and distributed by Dave Smith.

BSG Email - 7 Feb 2011

In the first email, Dave expresses his concerns about the cover up of my evidence by the then general Secretary, Derek Simpson saying:  

"It seems that despite Mr Wainwright's best efforts that we are still awaiting the Utopian dream of a blacklist-free construction industry and if Derek Simpson has his way the union renegades who helped enforce the blacklist will get off scot-free."

It details a personal statement from Colin Trousdale: 

"It appears to me that these officers will go unpunished if it is left to the hierarchy of the union both past and present! We must continue with our endeavours to unmask these wretches and make them face the wrath of their victims if nothing else."

"I have seen three comrades go to the grave without the chance of clearing their name or at least having the knowledge of who in our union betrayed them, I will not go to mine without justice for them and myself".

BSG EMAIL - 7 FEB 2011

BSG Email - 11 Oct 2010

In the second email, Dave expresses his concerns about the unions withdrawing their legal support for a number of key employment tribunal cases a day or two before the hearings.

On page 2, point 6 of the email he names the cases and states:

"The union is withdrawing support only one or two days before the cases are meant to be heard in court - which leaves no-one with anytime to make alternative arrangements."

He goes on to stress:

"As the ETI forms were filled in by the very same solicitors in the first place - why the sudden change of heart."

He continues on page 3 to say:

"Either way blacklisted workers who are long standing union members are having legal representation withdrawn at the last minute".

In point 7 he talks about Unite voting to carry out an investigation into the role of corrupt union officials in the blacklisting scandal following the release of unredacted files that name individual union officials as supplying information to the blacklist and says: "IT'S ABOUT BLOODY TIME"

Another internal investigation? 

We all know the outcome of those!

BSG EMAIL - 11 Oct 2010 (Pg1)

BSG EMAIL - 11 Oct 2010 (Pg2)

BSG EMAIL - 11 Oct 2010 (Pg3)


As always, I'm just presenting the evidence as it stands. There's lots more to come and I will index the posts chronologically over the weekend so they're easier to follow.

My primary concern has always been to get to the truth which has been complex as I weave through the political and financial agenda's of the respective parties.

But one thing is now becoming much clearer in respect of the motives and actions of the trade unions in all this.

All my posts are backed up with firm evidence and there is still much more to come.

Wednesday, 28 August 2013


The following is a series of emails sent between electrician, Frank Morris, Unite's London Regional Officer, Vince Passfield, the leader of the Labour Party, Len McCluskey, Unite's Executive Officer, Tony Woodley and Unite's Director of Organising and Leverage, Sharon Graham in 2011 and 2012.

Frank subsequently copies them to me, the Blacklist Support Group and Jerry Hicks on 5 March 2012. 

These all form part of one email thread and I'll post these in chronological order.

Frank Morris to Vince Passfield - 18 Feb 2011

In this, Frank writes to Vince Passfield setting out a statement of his experience at the Olympic Park and asking for any advice and assistance he can provide.


Vince Passfield to Frank Morris - 21 Feb 2011

Passfield provides an extensive response, stating that it was his belief that Frank was pursuing a grievance complaint through representation of the RMT union.

He goes on to say that he is "extremely concerned" about the allegations Frank is making about him and goes into extensive detail about his understanding of prior events.

He specifically points out that:

  • Frank had never informed him that he was a witness to any alleged comments made by a Daletech supervisor or that any discussion took place
  • Daletech had never mentioned Franks' name to him either as a witness to alleged acts or any other matter
  • Franks' name did not get mentioned by Daletech or the complainant in relation to a dismissal at the Olympic Project
  • The complainant had never mentioned Franks' name or disclosed the identity of his witness to that date

I'm assuming 'the complainant' is the sacked electrician Frank appears to have made a fuss over at the Olympic Project.

Passfield continues to give his account of matters, stating that he'd given Frank some advice by text and in writing which he'd ignored.

Passfield is basically saying that Franks' version of events in untrue. He recommends that Frank contacts another Construction Officer in the Dagenham office and furthermore that he provides confirmation that the RMT are no longer acting on his behalf.

There's obviously a lot more here than my brief summary, so I'd suggest a full read of the email.



Frank Morris to Len McCluskey and Tony Woodley - 21 Feb 2011

Frank immediately writes to Len McCluskey and Tony Woodley stating that he had previously written to them regarding the Olympic project, that Passfield is lying in his email response and suggests that he is doing so to protect an ECA member company.


Frank Morris to Sharon Graham - 5 March 2012

The final correspondence in this email thread is from Frank to Sharon Graham a year later. In this, he states that no one has come back to him in over a year and that he can categorically say that Passfield is lying.

He suggests that Passfield is possibly lying to protect himself from disciplinary action and that Passfield has "tried to imply in union circles that he was somehow an RMT activist trying to stir up trouble". He talks about his case being thrown out and how this has affected his family, as winning would have exposed that blacklisting was current. 

He concludes by saying "It's ironic that a Unite officer has been instrumental in destroying it".

This email is subsequently forwarded to me, the Blacklist Support Group and Jerry Hicks later that day.



So who is lying? Passfield or Frank?

Why do Unite ignore Frank for well over a year and then all of a sudden make a big fuss over him at Crossrail?

Why does Gail Cartmail spend two hours trying to convince the select committee and the mainstream TV and press that Frank Morris is a contemporary victim of blacklisting at Crossrail when the most senior regional Unite official in the area has blatantly accused him of being an out and out liar in respect of his allegations about the Olympic Park project?

There is something fundamentally wrong here with Unite's involvement in the blacklisting and it's something the small group of Labour MP's who frequent the select committee and the Blacklist Support Group are not interested in touching with a barge pole.

Thursday, 22 August 2013

BENT UNION OFFICIALS? (4) - (Updated 31/08/13)

The day after I gave evidence to the select committee I had a chance conversation with a person on Facebook who had not only worked for the union (Amicus/Unite), but had also worked for the Electrical Contractors Association and is currently a senior labour manager with one of the major construction companies.

This person is watching my evidence to the select committee on the iplayer as we exchange messages.

He's given me permission to use this information providing I redact his personal details, as he too fears repercussions for himself and his family if he's found to be providing this information.

I've therefore redacted his identity and highlighted his comments for clarity.

Tom Hardacre - Unite National Officer

Or "Spark's Nemesis" as he refers to him in this conversation.

In pages 1 and 2 below he talks about Tom Hardacre providing information to labour managers on certain workers and says "By the way, Tom Hardacre was the worst for blacklist activity!"

He explains the strategy used by Hardacre to highlight certain workers and goes on to say that the union are currently "the only people hell bent on telling us who we should or shouldn't employ".

Tom Hardacre retired in 2011, but is this the first hard evidence of modern day blacklisting following the closure of the Consulting Association in 2009?



Micky Tuff

In pages 6 to 8 below he talks about Micky Tuff and their conversations about Micky being instructed to cover up my blacklisting evidence. He says they were "good pals" and that he was breaking Micky's confidence in telling me this.




This evidence was submitted to the select committee clerk and Chuka Umunna on 15 March 2013.

The select committee have Gail Cartmail giving evidence for two hours on 2 July 2013, but not a single question about the union's complicity in all this from those attending the session that day.

Ian Davidson - Labour
Lindsay Roy - Labour
Jim McGovern - Labour
Graeme Morrice - Labour (also declaring himself a Unite member)
Alan Reid - Lib Dem

Friday, 9 August 2013


I've now received a box of paperwork following my Data Protection Act request to Gail Cartmail at Unite. They've provided a mass of information, of which 99% is copies of press articles, select committee transcripts, etc.

They have however withheld key documents, such as the letters from the then General Secretary, Derek Simpson in response to my letters to him in July 2006. There are a selection of letters, emails, etc, but responses/connected correspondence to many of these are not provided. They have also not provided some documents that are already in my possession, so this is far from a full disclosure of the information requested under the legislation.

I'll provide an example.

Micky Tuff Letter - 21 July 2006 (Page 1)

Document 1 below is page 1 from a letter from Micky Tuff to the union's solicitor, Alison Humphrey from 21 July 2006. 


At point 1 Micky states: "Thank you for your letter dated 17 July 2006". "Quite frankly I do not know where to start with this issue. Firstly, may I refer you to my letter to the Legal Department dated 23 March 2006"

Both of these letters referred to are in reference to me, but neither were provided under this Data Protection Act request.

At point 2 Micky describes the actions he took to investigate the blacklisting check sheets from Haden Young. He simply asks the source of these blacklisting check sheets, Neil Cappel, about these sheets and accepts his response that he had no knowledge of a blacklist and nor did Haden Young operate a blacklist.

What did he expect him to say? Hands up, you've caught us.

It was this evidence alone that enabled David Clancy from the ICO to follow the trail of this fax correspondence to locate Ian Kerr and the Consulting Association some three years later.

At point 3 Micky Tuff denies that he instructed or encouraged me to join the union again and states that I collected a form from the Mold office. This is simply not true. I met Micky in a pub in Shropshire on 9 August 2005 to discuss the blacklisting. He gave me the forms to rejoin the union (I'd been a member on and off since I was sixteen) from the boot of his car and these were completed and submitted that day under his instruction.

Micky also states in point 3: "I am quite prepared to accuse Mr Wainwright of being a liar on this point".

A Wainwright Letter - 10 August 2005

If you study Document 3 below you will see that I wrote to Micky the day after meeting him on 9 August 2005. This document came from Unite's disclosure to me under the Data Protection Act and has the fax header of their solicitor at the time, Rowley Ashworth at the top.


In this I state: "I'm writing to thank you for meeting up with me yesterday and for agreeing to accompany me to the grievance meeting on 25 August in Watford. I've completed the necessary forms to rejoin the union and forwarded them to head office".

I go on to state: "I've enclosed copies of all the relevant correspondence as discussed, but have not yet included the lists of potentially blacklisted operatives. I've informed Prue Jackson in my letter of 29 July that I'll be disclosing this information at the grievance meeting and that you will obviously be able to make use of this beyond that point".

A Wainwright Membership Form - 9 August 2005

Document 5 below is a scan of my actual membership form which confirms again that this was completed on 9 August 2005. The day I met with Micky Tuff in Shropshire.


Micky Tuff Letter - 21 July 2006 (Page 2)

Document 2 below is page 2 from Micky Tuff's letter to Alison Humphrey on 21 July 2006.

In this Micky states: "In conclusion, I am in the firm belief that Mr Wainwright is a compulsive liar".

You can make your own mind up about who is telling lies in all this from the evidence.

Georgina Hirsh Email to Derek Simpson

Another example of Unite's failure to provide the information requested under the legislation can be found in this email (Document 6) from the union's lawyer, Georgina Hirsh to the then General Secretary, Derek Simpson.


In this, she asks Derek Simpson and Les Bayliss for information about the correspondence exchanged between myself and Simpson. Surely Unite have some recorded response, but nothing was provided to me.

Letters to Gail Cartmail

Document 4 below is my letter to Gail Cartmail of Unite dated 8 August 2013 asking again for full disclosure of the data requested under section 7 of the Data Protection Act.

I have however been appealing to Gail Cartmail to investigate the unions' collusion and complicity in the blacklisting for some time now, which she continually refuses to act on. She is however quite happy to continually point the finger elsewhere!

You can view my letters and her responses from early 2012 here: